Ccomposa calls on South Asia peoples to oppose Indian rulers’ growing intervention in neighbouring countries

13 August 2007. A World to Win News Service. Following is a press release sent out by the Coordinating Committee of Maoist Parties of South Asia (CCOMPOSA) dated 25 June 2007.

The Indian rulers seek total domination of the countries of South Asia acting as the gendarme of the US in this region. At the SAARC (South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation) Summit in April, they went so far as to propose a South Asia Parliament, seeking to undermine even the existing limited sovereignty of the South Asian countries. Earlier they had proposed a common currency for the region to further consolidate India’s economic hegemony in the region. At the SAARC Summit they continued to push their SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Association) , in order to dominate the markets of the region and allow the unhindered free flow of goods made in India (mostly by the big comprador houses and the transnational corporations) to all countries of South Asia.

CCOMPOSA calls for the disbanding of SAARC and the setting up of genuine forums of people-to-people relations between the countries of South Asia.

Lately the Indian rulers have been even more crudely intervening in the internal affairs of neighbouring countries and even more crudely crushing the national aspirations for self-determination of the peoples of Kashmir, Naga, Manipur, Assam, etc.

In Nepal they have been playing an active role to diffuse the democratic aspirations of the Nepalese people and prop up the reactionary elements after isolating the Maoists. They have been instigating the Madheshi people of the Terrai (Nepal’s southern plains) region against the Maoists, in league with the Nepalese monarch. Hindu fundamentalists have been particularly active in setting up vigilante gangs to murder activists, as happened in Gaur where 28 Maoists were killed. Recently these gangs murdered a YCL (Young Communist League) Central Committee member in the Terrai region, together with another comrade. The Indian ambassador has, of late, been pro-actively roaming the interior of Nepal, offering large sums of money for schools, hospitals, roads, etc., in order to wean the masses away from the influence of the Maoists. In addition, the Indian paramilitary have fired on and killed Nepalese of Bhutani origin (to prevent them) from returning to their motherland, and have been fully involved in the US conspiracy to transport 60,000 refugees to the West as a modern-day form of slave labour. The US imperialists and Indian rulers have been working to prop up the reactionaries and neutralize the Maoists.

CCOMPOSA strongly condemns the role of the Indian rulers in Nepal and demands that they stop meddling in the affairs of Nepal and that the Indian people bring to justice the murderous gangs operating across the Nepalese border.

In Bangladesh, the Indian rulers have not only openly backed their stooge Sheikh Hasina but have utilised the present army-backed caretaker government to push through massive deals for Indian big comprador houses. They have sought to help the Tatas (an Indian monopoly capitalist group) to make massive investments there and lately the Mittals (an internationally powerful Indian steel monopoly) have signed a gigantic deal in the energy sector of Bangladesh. The Indian ambassador has been actively working in the country together with the US ambassador in the dealings between the various political parties and the caretaker government.

CCOMPOSA demands that the extensive natural wealth of poverty-stricken Bangladesh be utilized for the development of their own country and not robbed by Indian compradors and the US imperialists.

In Sri Lanka, they openly threatened the government when it sought arms from China and Pakistan. The Indian rulers have already imposed humiliating free-trade agreements on Sri Lanka. They have also surreptitiously been assisting the Sri Lankan government to crush the just aspirations of the Tamil people for a Tamil Elam.

CCOMPOSA demands the scrapping all these unequal agreements and supports the just struggle of the Tamil people for their self-determination from the jackboots of the Indian ruling classes.

In addition, the Indian rulers continue to maintain and tighten their vice-like grip over the small countries of the region like Bhutan, Sikkim, the Maldives, etc., and continue their attempts to bully Pakistan utilizing the Kashmir card. Particularly they continue to forcibly maintain the oppressed nationalities within Indian hegemony. Not only does the Indian army of occupation crush their just demands with utmost brutality, they have been pitting one section of the people against the other to drown their just struggles in oceans of blood. This is to be seen in Nagaland, Manipur, Assam, Kashmir and elsewhere.

CCOMPOSA demands that the people of these oppressed nationalities be allowed to determine their own future and the immediate and total withdrawal of Indian army and paramilitary forces from all these regions.

South Asia has become a burning cauldron of revolutionary, democratic and nationality movements. CCOMPOSA supports all these just movements and calls on the peoples of South Asia to unite against their common enemy and not fall prey to the divisive policies of the rulers and their US imperialist backers in the region.

1) Proletarian Party of Purba Bangla-CC – PBSP (CC) [Bangladesh]
2) Communist Party of East Bengal (ML)(Red Flag) – CPEB (ML)(Red Flag) [Bangladesh]

3) Bangladesher Samyobadi Dal(Marxist- Leninist) – BSD(ML) [Bangladesh]
4) Communist Party of Bhutan (Marxist-Leninist- Maoist) – CPB(MLM) [Bhutan]
5) Communist Party of India (Maoist) – CPI(Maoist)[ India]
6) Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Naxalbari – CPI-ML (Naxalbari) [India]
7) Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist- Maoist) – CPI(MLM) [India]
8) Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) – CPN (Maoist) [Nepal]

Dancers arrest -- a question of survival for new Inspector

Sixty eight people including four dancers were arrested from Taquila Dance Bar and First Floor Dance Bar yesterday night. Shorhakhutte Inspector Tapan Dahal said he was instructed by his bosses at Hanumandhoka for the raid. He also said he had taken nude pictures of the dancers before forcing them enter into the police van. Police have filed case under the Public Offense act against the four dancers and two owners of the two bars Dev Lama and Sanjeev Pradhan. All others were released today 4 pm. They include lady waitresses.
More such raids are in the offing, Dahal told this reporter.

Maoists announce 22-point Stuggle Plan

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;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rgsf] ;'lglZrttf sf nflu cfjZos k"jf{wf/x¿

!= /fhtGq / /fhfjfbL tTjx¿n] b]zsf ljleGg efudf ljWj+;, czflGt dRrfP/ ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg x'g glbg] if8\oGqd"ns sfo{ ul//x]sfn] tTsfn} cGtl/d Joj:yflksfaf6 /fhtGqsf] cGTo u/]/ u0ftGq :yfkgfsf] 3f]if0ff ul/g'k5{ . To;eGbf klxn] g]kfnL sf+u|]; nufot clxn];Dd u0ftGqjf/] cf}krfl/s lg0f{o ul/g;s]sf ;ft bnleqsf bnx¿n] /fhtGqjf/] cf*gf] l:ylt t'¿Gt ;fj{hlgs ug{'kb{5 .

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%= cGtl/d ;+ljwfg jdf]lhd ;'/Iff kl/ifb\ t'¿Gt u7g u/]/ g]kfnL ;]gfsf] nf]stfGqLs/0f ul/g'kb{5 . g]kfnL ;]gf / hgd'lQm ;]gf jLrsf] ;dfof]hgsf] sfo{nfO{ …ljz]if ;ldltÚ dfkm{t\ tLj|tf lbg'kb{5 .

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(= ;xdltsf cfwf/df ljleGg b]zx¿sf lglDt /fhb"tx¿, ljZjljBfnosf kbflwsf/Lx¿, dfgj clwsf/ cfof]u / clVtof/ b'¿kof]u cg';Gwfg cfof]usf k|d'v cfo'Qm / cfo'Qmx¿, pRr:t/Lo cg'udg ;ldlt cflbsf] u7g / lgo'lQm ul/g'kb{5 .

!)= uf}/ xTofsf08 nufot j[xb\ zflGt–;Demf}tf kl5 ePsf ;j} xTofsf08sf bf]ifLx¿ dfly lz3| s8f sfjf{xL ul/g'kb{5 / d[tssf kl/jf/nfO{ ;d'lrt /fxt k|bfg ul/g'kb{5 .

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!%= hgd'lQm ;]gfsf ;b:ox¿nfO{ dfl;s ?= tLg xhf/sf b/n] eQf pknAw u/fpg] cGtl/d dGqLd08nsf] lg0f{o e};Sbf klg To;sf] sfof{Gjog cem};Dd gePsfn] To;nfO{ t'¿Gt} sfjf{Gjog ug{'kb{5 .

!^= j[xb\ zflGt–;Demf}tf / cGtl/d ;+ljwfgdf lzIff, :jf:Yo, /f]huf/L / vfB ;Dk|e'tfnfO{ ;j} hgtfsf] df}lns clwsf/sf] ?kdf :jLsfl/;lsPsf] l:yltdf To;sf] Jojxfl/s sfof{Gjogsf] lglDt tTsfn} sfg"gL / sfo{sf/L sbd cl3 j9fpg' kb{5 .

!&= ……;fdGtL e"–:jfldTjsf] cGTo ub}{ j}1flgs e"ld;'wf/ sfo{qmd nfu" ug]{ÚÚ j[xb\ zflGt–;Demf}tfsf] k|fjwfgnfO{ sfof{Gjog ug{ tTsfn} Ps pRr:t/Lo e"ld;'wf/ cfof]u u7g ul/g'k5{ .

!*= ……;/sf/L nfesf] kbdf /x]/ e|i6frf/ u/L cs't ;DklQ cfh{g ug]{x¿ pk/ s8f sfjf{xL u/L bl08t ug]{ÚÚ eGg] j[xb\ zflGt–;demf}tfsf] k|fjwfgnfO{ Jojxf/df ptfg{ ljBdfg ;+j}wflgs tyf ;/sf/L lgsfox¿ c;Ifd / ck"0f{ b]lvPsf]n] e|i6frf/Lx¿nfO{ sfjf{xL ug{ ljz]if lgsfo u7g u/L sfjf{xL cl3 j9fpg' kb{5 .

!(= hftLo÷/fli6«o / If]qLo cfTdlg0f{osf] clwsf/ / :jfoQ zf;g ;lxtsf] ;+3fTds 9f“rfdf /fHosf] cu|ufdL k'g;{+/rgf ug]{ sfof{b]z ;lxt ;dfj]zL k|s[ltsf] pRr:t/Lo /fHo k'gM;+/rgf cfof]u u7g ul/g'k5{ .

@)= b]zleq ljleGg ljb]zL k|ltlqmofjfbL zlQmx¿sf] cjfl~5t rnv]n, cGt/Wj+;fTds ultljlw / cfGtl/s dfldnfdf x:tIf]knfO{ s8fO k"j{s /f]lsg'k5{≤ ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg geP;Dd ljb]zL;+u hn>f]tsf] jf“8kmf“8 nufotsf bL3{sfnLg /fli6«o dxTjsf ;GwL–;Demf}tf jf ;dembf/L ul/g'x'Gg / /fli6«o :jfwLgtf, ;fj{ef}ldstf / ef}uf]lns cv08tfsf] k"0f{ /Iff ul/g'k5{ .

@!= cfGbf]ng/t ls;fg, dhb"/, ljBfyL{, sd{rf/L, blnt, dlxnf, hflt–hghflt–dw];L, pBf]uL–Jofkf/L, ;+rf/sdL{ nufot ljleGg hgju{ / cfd hg;d'bfosf hfoh dfux¿ k"/f u/L ;j}nfO{ ;+ljwfg;efsf] lgjf{rgdf ;xefL jGg] jftfj/0f lgdf{0f ul/g'k5{ .

@@= g]=s=kf=-dfcf]jfbL_ / g]kfn ;/sf/ jLr ;DkGg j[xb\ zflGt–;Demf}tfnfO{ cljnDj k"0f{ ?kn] sfof{Gjog ul/g'k5{ .

;+3if{sf] sfo{qmd

pk/f]Qm cfjZos k"jf{wf/ lgdf{0fsf] sfo{ t'¿Gt} k"/f gul/P ;/sf/, ;bg / ;8ssf tLgj6} df]rf{jf6 ;+3if{ cl3 j9fP/ b]zJofkL gof“ hgcfGbf]ngsf] pef/ l;h{gf ug{ xfdLn] lgDg jdf]lhd k|f/lDes ;+3if{sf] sfo{qmd 3f]if0ff u/]sf 5f}+ M

efb| dlxgfe/– k|rf/–k|;f/, cfGtl/s tof/L / hgkl/rfng

c;f]h ! ut] b]lv– r/0fj4 ?kdf b]zJofkL hg;ef, hgsfjf{xL / /fhg}lts x8\tfnsf sfo{qmdx¿

-o; cltl/Qm ljleGg hgjuL{o ;+u7gx¿ / hftLo tyf If]qLo df]rf{x¿sf] tkm{af6 5'§f5'§} ;+3if{sf sfo{qmdx¿ lbg ;lsg]5_

oL sfo{qmdx¿df ;lqmo ;xefuL jg]/ b]zdf ;+ljwfg;efsf] lgjf{rg ;'lglZrt ug{ / b]znfO{ zflGt, nf]stflGqs u0ftGq / cu|udgsf] dfu{df cu|;/ u/fpg xfdL ;Dk"0f{ Gofok|]dL, b]zeQm, u0ftGqjfbL / jfdkGyL /fhgLlts zlQmx¿, ljleGg hgjuL{o / k]zfut ;+u7gx¿, hftLo tyf If]qLo df]rf{x¿, gful/s cfGbf]ngsf/Lx¿, ;+rf/sdL{x¿ / cfd hg;d'bfodf xflb{s ckLn ub{5f}+ .

wGojfb †

@)^$ ebf} # ===============================

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cWoIf,

g]=s=kf=-dfcf]jfbL_

Maoists announce 22-point Stuggle Plan

g]=s=kf= -dfcf]jfbL_ sf] ckLn

;+ljwfg;efsf] lgjf{rg ;'lglZrt ug{ tTsfn u0ftGqsf] 3f]if0ff u/f}+ †

;dfg'kflts k|ltlglwTjsf] nflu j[xb\ uf]nd]r ;Dd]ngsf] cfof]hgf u/f}+ †

cfb/0fLo hg;d'bfox¿,

d'lQmsfdL g]kfnL hgtfn] em08} ^) jif{ b]lv ;fdGtL /fhtGqsf] cGTo / ;+ljwfg;efsf] lgjf{rgsf] gf/f p7fp“b} cfPsf 5g\ . kl5Nnf] k6s g]=s=kf=-dfcf]jfbL_ sf] g]t[Tjdf ;+rflnt dxfg\ hgo'4 / ;+o'Qm hgcfGbf]ngsf] qmddf bzf}+ xhf/ zxLbx¿n] hLjg jlnbfg u/]/ of] gf/fnfO{ /fli6«o /fhgLlts Ph]08fsf] ?kdf :yflkt u/]sf x'g\ . ljutdf ;fdGtL b/jfl/of tTjx¿n] k6s k6s if8\oGq u/]/ ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg x'g glbPsf] s6' cg'ejsf cfwf/df g]=s=kf=-dfcf]jfbL_ n] klxn] u0ftGqsf] 3f]if0ff u/]/ dfq ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg u/fpg'kg]{ c8fg ut zflGtjftf{sf] qmddf clGtd 38L;Dd klg /fv]sf] xf] . k/Gt' @)^$ h]7 d;fGt;Dddf ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg\ u/fO5f8\g] eGg] ;+;bjfbL kf6L{x¿sf k|ltj4tfsf sf/0f g]=s=kf=-dfcf]jfbL_n] cf*gf] u+eL/ cfz+sfsf jfjh'b /fhtGqnfO{ lgnDjgsf] cj:yfdf /fv]/ ;+ljwfg;efdf hfg] ;xdlt u/]sf] lyof] . t/ ckm;f]r, Oltxf; km]l/ bf]xf]l/of] . /fhtGq / p;sf ljb]zL k[i7kf]ifsx¿sf] u'¿of]hgf jdf]lhd dw]z nufot b]zsf ljleGg efudf xTof, cft+s / c/fhstfsf ljt08f dRrfP/ h]7df ;+ljwfg;ef r'gfj x'g glbg] jftfj/0f agfOof] . To;}n] g]=s=kf=-dfcf]jfbL_n] k'gM Psk6s /fhtGqsf] cGTo / u0ftGqsf] 3f]if0ff u/]/ dfq r'gfjsf] ldlt ;fg{' kg]{ c8fg /fVof] / cfufdL d+;L/ ^ ut]sfnflu r'gfj ;fg]{ ljifodf …gf]6 ckm l8;]G6Ú ;d]t n]Vof] . g]=s=kf=-dfcf]jfbL_ s} hf]8jndf cGtl/d Joj:yflksfsf] b'OltxfO jx'dtn] /fhtGqsf] cGTo ug{ ;Sg] u/L ;+ljwfgsf] bf]>f] ;+zf]wg klg eof] . k/Gt' To;kl5sf 36gfqmdx¿n] k'i6L ul//x]sf 5g\ ls h]7 klxn]sf] c/fhstf / xTof–cft+ssf] l:ylt clxn] klg dw]zdf / cGoq sfod} 5 . To;sf] k5fl8 /fhtGq / k|ltufdL tTjx¿ klxn] em}+ lqmofzLn 5“b}5g\ . ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg\ ef“8\g lbgx'“ ;z:q u'6x¿ Rofp em}+ pld|/x]s} 5g\ . of] l:yltdf /fhtGq sfod} /fv]/ b]zdf ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg x'G5 eGg' h:tf] dxfem'7, kfv08 / j]OdfgL csf]{ s]xL x'g} ;Sb}g . ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rgsf] lglDt oltj]nf k|d'v jfwstTj eg]s} /fhtGq xf] . To;}n] /fhtGqsf] ;d"n cGTo u/]/ cGtl/d Joj:yflksfjf6} u0ftGqsf] 3f]if0ff u/]/ dfq} b]zdf ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rgsf] k"jf{wf/ lgdf{0f ug{ ;lsG5 / To;sflglDt ;/sf/, ;bg / ;8ssf ;j} df]rf{af6 ;+3if{ ug{' cfhsf] ckl/xfo{ cfjZostf xf] .

b]zL tyf ljb]zL k|ltlqmofjfbL zlQmx¿sf] ;+ljwfg;ef lj/f]wL if8\oGqsf cltl/Qm j:t'ut ?kdf ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg lglDt pko'Qm jftfj/0f aGg g;Sg'sf] csf]{ dxTjk"0f{ sf/0f ljleGg pTkLl8t hflt–hghflt, dw];L, dlxnf, blnt cflb ;d'bfosf] ;dfg'kflts k|ltlglwTjsf] ;'lglZrttf x'g g;Sg' xf] . g]=s=kf=-dfcf]jfbL_n] zflGtjftf{sf] qmddf clGtd 38L;Dd /fHosf] ;+3fTds 9f“rfdf k'g;{+/rgf / ;dfg'kflts lgjf{rg k|0ffnLsf] lglDt ;+3if{ u/] klg ljz]iftM g]kfnL sf+u|];sf] l9kLsf sf/0fn] / ;du| zflGtk|lqmof g} ef“l8g] lrGtfn] To;jf/] s]xL nlrnf] jg]/ ;Demf}tf ug{ jfWo ePs} xf] . k/Gt' To;kl5sf / ljz]iftM dw];sf 36gfqmdx¿n] k'i6L ul/;s]sf 5g\ ls ;j} pTkLl8t ju{, hflt, If]q, ln+u / ;d'bfosf] ;dfg'kflts k|ltlglwTjsf] ;'lglZrttf gu/L cj ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg ;Dej 5}g / u/fpg' plrt klg x'“b}g . lsgls ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg eg]sf] s'g} lgoldt ;+;bLo r'gfj geP/ nfdf] ;do;Ddsf] lglDt b]zsf] d"n sfg"g dflgg] ;+ljwfgsf] lgdf{0f ug]{ lgsfo xf] / To;df ;dfhsf ljljw kIfx¿sf] ;dfg'kflts k|ltlglwTj x'g ;s]g eg] To;af6 emg\ uDeL/ k|s[ltsf] åGb lglDtg] vt/f /xG5 . of] l:yltdf b]zdf cfGbf]ng/t dw];L, hflt–hghflt, blnt, dlxnf cflb ;j}sf k|ltlglw, gful/s ;dfh / /fhgLlts bnx¿sf] j[xb\ uf]nd]r ;Dd]ng u/]/ ;femf ;xdlt lgdf{0f ug{' ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rgsf] ;'lglZrttfsf] lglDt csf]{ dxTjk"0f{ k"jf{wf/ xf] . To;f] gu/L lbglbg} Rofp em}+ pld|g] ;+u7gx¿;+u 5'§f5'§} kxn u/]/ ;do / zlQm jjf{b\ ug{' ;f/tTjdf ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rgnfO{ w/fkdf kfg{' g} xf] .

b]zdf ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rgsf] plrt jftfj/0f tof/ gx'g'sf] csf]{ dxTjk"0f{ sf/0f j[xb\ zflGt ;Demf}tfsf ;j} k|fjwfgx¿nfO{ b[9tf / tbf¿stfsf ;fy sfof{Gjog gul/g' / bz jif{sf] dxfg\ hgo'4 / P]ltxfl;s hgcfGbf]ng kZrft\ klg cfd hg;d'bfosf] hLjgdf kl/jt{gsf] cg'e"lt x'g] u/L s'g} sfd x'g g;Sg' xf] . vfzu/L hgo'4 / hgcfGbf]ngsf] qmddf zxfbt k|fKt ug]{x¿sf kl/jf/nfO{ clxn];Dd s'g} /fxt pknJw gu/fpg', 3fOt]x¿sf] pkrf/sf] Joj:tf gul/g', j]kQf kfl/Psfx¿sf] vf]hjLg gul/g', hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] plrt Joj:yfkg gul/g', cGtl/d ;+ljwfgdf Joj:yf eP jdf]lhd lzIff, :jf:Yo, /f]huf/L / vfB ;Dk|e'tfnfO{ ;j}sf] df}lns clwsf/sf] ?kdf sfof{Gjog ug{ s'g} kxn gul/g', cGtl/d ;/sf/ ;xdtLo k|0ffnL cg';f/ rNg'kg]{df ljuts} PsbnLo jf jx'dtLo k|0ffnL cg';f/ ;+rfng ul/g' cflb sf/0fn] b]zdf ;+ljwfg;efk|lt hg;d'bfosf] cfsif{0f ;§f ljsif{0f j9\g] l:ylt jGb} u}/x]sf] 5 . To;dfly ;+qmd0fsfnsf] cg'lrt kmfobf p7fP/ ljleGg ljb]zL k|ltlqmofjfbL zlQmx¿n] cf*gf] cjfl~5t ultljlw / x:tIf]k j9fp“b} nu]sfn] b]zsf] /fli6«o :jfwLgtf / :jfledfgdfly g} uDeL/ vt/f pTkGg e}/x]sf] 5 .

;du|df cfh b]z uDeL/ ;+s6sf] df]8df plePsf] 5 . clxn] rf}tkmL{ ?kdf ljBdfg ult/f]w, cGof]n, cfz+sf, c/fhstfsf] l:yltnfO{ cu|ufdL 9+un] glr{g]{ xf] eg] P]ltxfl;s lgod cg';f/ b]z k'gM k|ltudglt/ kms{g] jf eofgs 4Gbdf km:g] vt/f k|jn 5 . cj b]z k'gM åGblt/ kms{g] xf] eg] Tof] w]/} 3fts, ljgfzsf/L / /fli6«o cl:tTjdfly g} vt/f pTkGg ug]{ vfnsf] x'g ;S5 . To;}n] zflGt, nf]stGq / cu|udgsf kIfkftL ;j} ;Rrf b]zeQm, nf]stflGqs u0ftGqjfbL / jfdkGyL zlQmx¿n] tTsfn ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg ;'lglZrt ug{ / b]zdf zflGtnfO{ rL/:yfoL jgfpg s]xL Go"gtd cfjZos k"jf{wf/ lgdf{0fsf] lglDt ;+3if{ ug{' cToGt h¿/L ePsf] 5 .

;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rgsf] ;'lglZrttf sf nflu cfjZos k"jf{wf/x¿

!= /fhtGq / /fhfjfbL tTjx¿n] b]zsf ljleGg efudf ljWj+;, czflGt dRrfP/ ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg x'g glbg] if8\oGqd"ns sfo{ ul//x]sfn] tTsfn} cGtl/d Joj:yflksfaf6 /fhtGqsf] cGTo u/]/ u0ftGq :yfkgfsf] 3f]if0ff ul/g'k5{ . To;eGbf klxn] g]kfnL sf+u|]; nufot clxn];Dd u0ftGqjf/] cf}krfl/s lg0f{o ul/g;s]sf ;ft bnleqsf bnx¿n] /fhtGqjf/] cf*gf] l:ylt t'¿Gt ;fj{hlgs ug{'kb{5 .

@= j[xb\ zflGt–;Demf}tfdf pNn]v eP jdf]lhd :j=/fhf jL/]Gb| / pgsf] kl/jf/sf] ;DklQ tyf /fhfsf] x}l;otn] /fhf 1fg]Gb|n] k|fKt u/]sf] ;Dk"0f{ ;DklQ /fli6«os/0f ug]{ sfo{sf/L sbd t'¿Gt rfNg' kb{5 / To;sf] tbf¿stfsf ;fy sfof{Gjog ug{'kb{5 .

#= clxn];Dd gf/fo0flx6L b/jf/leq /x]sf] g]kfnL ;]gf k"0f{ ?kn] / t'¿Gt} Toxf“jf6 x6fpg' kb{5 / 1fg]Gb| / pgsf] kl/jf/nfO{ ;fdfGo k|s[ltsf] 5'§} ;'/Iff Joj:yf ul/g'kb{5 .

$= /fodfemL cfof]usf] k|ltj]bgn] bf]ifL 7x¥ofPsfx¿ ;j}nfO{ cfjZostf cg';f/ kZrbzL{ sfg"g jgfP/ eP klg t'¿Gt} s8fOk"j{s sfjf{xL ul/g'kb{5 .

%= cGtl/d ;+ljwfg jdf]lhd ;'/Iff kl/ifb\ t'¿Gt u7g u/]/ g]kfnL ;]gfsf] nf]stfGqLs/0f ul/g'kb{5 . g]kfnL ;]gf / hgd'lQm ;]gf jLrsf] ;dfof]hgsf] sfo{nfO{ …ljz]if ;ldltÚ dfkm{t\ tLj|tf lbg'kb{5 .

^= ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rgdf ;a} ju{, hflt, If]q, dw]zL, dlxnf, blnt, cNk;+Vos ;d'bfo cflbsf] ;dfg'kflts k|ltlglwTj ;'lglZrt ug{ tTsfn} Ps j[xb\ uf]nd]r ;Dd]ng cfof]hgf ul/g'kb{5 .

&= cGtl/d ;/sf/sf] ;+rfng ;xdtLo l;4fGtsf cfwf/df / ;femf Go"gtd sfo{qmd cg';f/ ug{' kg]{df xfn;Dd To;sf] kfngf ge} k'/fg} PsbnLo jf jx'dtLo l;4fGt cg';f/ e}/x]sfn] To;sf] tTsfn} cGTo u/L ;xdtLo l;4fGt / ;femf Go"gtd sfo{qmd cg'¿k ug{ 7f]; kxn ug{'kb{5 .

*= ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rgnfO{ ;xh / ;/n t'Nofpg tn;Dd cfd hg;d'bfosf] ;xeflutf ;'lglZrt ug{ tyf ljsf;lgdf{0fsf sfo{x¿nfO{ tLj|tf lbg ;xdltsf cfwf/df t'¿Gt} :yfgLo lgsfox¿sf] u7g ul/g'kb{5 .

(= ;xdltsf cfwf/df ljleGg b]zx¿sf lglDt /fhb"tx¿, ljZjljBfnosf kbflwsf/Lx¿, dfgj clwsf/ cfof]u / clVtof/ b'¿kof]u cg';Gwfg cfof]usf k|d'v cfo'Qm / cfo'Qmx¿, pRr:t/Lo cg'udg ;ldlt cflbsf] u7g / lgo'lQm ul/g'kb{5 .

!)= uf}/ xTofsf08 nufot j[xb\ zflGt–;Demf}tf kl5 ePsf ;j} xTofsf08sf bf]ifLx¿ dfly lz3| s8f sfjf{xL ul/g'kb{5 / d[tssf kl/jf/nfO{ ;d'lrt /fxt k|bfg ul/g'kb{5 .

!!= hgo'4sf] bf}/fg ljleGg d'2fdf km;fP/ g]kfn tyf ef/tsf] h]ndf /x]sf /fhgLlts jGbLx¿ ;j}nfO{ t'?Gt Ps;fy l/xf ul/g'kb{5 / dfcf]jfbL g]tf tyf sfo{stf{x¿ dfly nufOPsf] ;j} d'2fx¿ Ps;fy vf/]h ul/g'k5{ .

!@= hgo'4sf] qmddf hLjg jlnbfg ug]{ ;Dk"0f{ zxLbsf kl/jf/nfO{ tTsfnLg /fxt ;xof]u :j¿k sDtLdf hgxL ?= Ps nfvsf b/n] pknJw u/fpg'kb{5 . ;fy} hgo'4 / hgcfGbf]ngsf] bf}/fgdf 3fOt] ePsfx¿sf] ;Dk"0f{ pkrf/ Joj:yf ;/sf/n] ug{'kb{5 .

!#= hgo'4sf] bf}/fg j]kQf kfl/Psfx¿jf/] 5fgjLg u/L ;To–tYo kQf nufpg / bf]ifLx¿dfly sfjf{xLsf] l;kmfl/; ug{ Ps pRr:t/Lo 5fgjLg cfof]u t'¿Gt u7g ul/g'kb{5 .

!$= lzlj/df /x]sf hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkgdf uDeL/ x]nrqmofO“ / sdLsdhf]/L /x]sfn] To;sf] tTsfn cGTo u/L lzlj/sf] Joj:yfkg k|efjsf/L agfpg ;/sf/L :t/af6} ljz]if kxn ug{'kb{5 .

!%= hgd'lQm ;]gfsf ;b:ox¿nfO{ dfl;s ?= tLg xhf/sf b/n] eQf pknAw u/fpg] cGtl/d dGqLd08nsf] lg0f{o e};Sbf klg To;sf] sfof{Gjog cem};Dd gePsfn] To;nfO{ t'¿Gt} sfjf{Gjog ug{'kb{5 .

!^= j[xb\ zflGt–;Demf}tf / cGtl/d ;+ljwfgdf lzIff, :jf:Yo, /f]huf/L / vfB ;Dk|e'tfnfO{ ;j} hgtfsf] df}lns clwsf/sf] ?kdf :jLsfl/;lsPsf] l:yltdf To;sf] Jojxfl/s sfof{Gjogsf] lglDt tTsfn} sfg"gL / sfo{sf/L sbd cl3 j9fpg' kb{5 .

!&= ……;fdGtL e"–:jfldTjsf] cGTo ub}{ j}1flgs e"ld;'wf/ sfo{qmd nfu" ug]{ÚÚ j[xb\ zflGt–;Demf}tfsf] k|fjwfgnfO{ sfof{Gjog ug{ tTsfn} Ps pRr:t/Lo e"ld;'wf/ cfof]u u7g ul/g'k5{ .

!*= ……;/sf/L nfesf] kbdf /x]/ e|i6frf/ u/L cs't ;DklQ cfh{g ug]{x¿ pk/ s8f sfjf{xL u/L bl08t ug]{ÚÚ eGg] j[xb\ zflGt–;demf}tfsf] k|fjwfgnfO{ Jojxf/df ptfg{ ljBdfg ;+j}wflgs tyf ;/sf/L lgsfox¿ c;Ifd / ck"0f{ b]lvPsf]n] e|i6frf/Lx¿nfO{ sfjf{xL ug{ ljz]if lgsfo u7g u/L sfjf{xL cl3 j9fpg' kb{5 .

!(= hftLo÷/fli6«o / If]qLo cfTdlg0f{osf] clwsf/ / :jfoQ zf;g ;lxtsf] ;+3fTds 9f“rfdf /fHosf] cu|ufdL k'g;{+/rgf ug]{ sfof{b]z ;lxt ;dfj]zL k|s[ltsf] pRr:t/Lo /fHo k'gM;+/rgf cfof]u u7g ul/g'k5{ .

@)= b]zleq ljleGg ljb]zL k|ltlqmofjfbL zlQmx¿sf] cjfl~5t rnv]n, cGt/Wj+;fTds ultljlw / cfGtl/s dfldnfdf x:tIf]knfO{ s8fO k"j{s /f]lsg'k5{≤ ;+ljwfg;ef lgjf{rg geP;Dd ljb]zL;+u hn>f]tsf] jf“8kmf“8 nufotsf bL3{sfnLg /fli6«o dxTjsf ;GwL–;Demf}tf jf ;dembf/L ul/g'x'Gg / /fli6«o :jfwLgtf, ;fj{ef}ldstf / ef}uf]lns cv08tfsf] k"0f{ /Iff ul/g'k5{ .

@!= cfGbf]ng/t ls;fg, dhb"/, ljBfyL{, sd{rf/L, blnt, dlxnf, hflt–hghflt–dw];L, pBf]uL–Jofkf/L, ;+rf/sdL{ nufot ljleGg hgju{ / cfd hg;d'bfosf hfoh dfux¿ k"/f u/L ;j}nfO{ ;+ljwfg;efsf] lgjf{rgdf ;xefL jGg] jftfj/0f lgdf{0f ul/g'k5{ .

@@= g]=s=kf=-dfcf]jfbL_ / g]kfn ;/sf/ jLr ;DkGg j[xb\ zflGt–;Demf}tfnfO{ cljnDj k"0f{ ?kn] sfof{Gjog ul/g'k5{ .

;+3if{sf] sfo{qmd

pk/f]Qm cfjZos k"jf{wf/ lgdf{0fsf] sfo{ t'¿Gt} k"/f gul/P ;/sf/, ;bg / ;8ssf tLgj6} df]rf{jf6 ;+3if{ cl3 j9fP/ b]zJofkL gof“ hgcfGbf]ngsf] pef/ l;h{gf ug{ xfdLn] lgDg jdf]lhd k|f/lDes ;+3if{sf] sfo{qmd 3f]if0ff u/]sf 5f}+ M

efb| dlxgfe/– k|rf/–k|;f/, cfGtl/s tof/L / hgkl/rfng

c;f]h ! ut] b]lv– r/0fj4 ?kdf b]zJofkL hg;ef, hgsfjf{xL / /fhg}lts x8\tfnsf sfo{qmdx¿

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60 Years Of Our Independence And The Left: Some Thoughts

Posted by: "Saibal Bishnu" bishnu.s@gmail.com bishnus

Sun Aug 19, 2007 10:06 am (PST)

60 Years Of Our Independence And The Left: Some Thoughts

Jyoti Basu

THE occasion of 60th anniversary of India’s independence from the shackles of British colonial subjugation is of special significance particularly to people like us who have lived through and participated in our great national liberation movement with a firm conviction to establish a just and equitable society after the end of the foreign rule. The present celebration in its own fashion provides us with an opportunity to recapture various facets of the anti-colonial struggle in the subcontinent and also to assess what we have achieved down the years.

THE BIRTH OF THE CONGRESS

The year 2007 also marks the 150th year of the Revolt of 1857 –– rightly characterised by Karl Marx as the War of Indian Independence. Although the pre-1885 popular opposition against British oppression – like tribal revolts and intermittent peasant upsurges – played a role in developing nationalist consciousness among the people, the national liberation movement acquired an organised pan-Indian shape with the birth of the Indian National Congress as a broad platform under the aegis of the bourgeois leadership. In a country like ours, the mainstream national liberation struggle developed in stages. It is striking to note that the Congress was founded in the backdrop of nationalist economic critique of British rule. Nationalist stalwarts like Dadabhai Naoroji drew attention to the drain of wealth from the colonised India.

The situation changed fast with the gradual strengthening of organised popular resistance across India. The Swadeshi movement during the first decade of the last century marked an important phase in the growth of organised popular resistance across India. Another turning point was the growth of political consciousness of the working class, which became evident from the period of the First World War. However, it was the entry of Gandhiji in Indian politics that marked further maturity and consolidation of the freedom struggle. Gandhiji’s contribution to the politicisation of the masses from all walks of life – students, youth, women, peasants and workers – and his commitment to secular values helped radicalise the movement. The Rowlatt satyagraha was his first confrontation with the British Raj. But despite Gandhiji’s profound impact, the main negative trait of Gandhian nationalism was its opposition to class politics. The basic premise of his concept of non-violence negates the class consciousness of the working people. It is also a fact that Indian independence struggle was characterised by various streams of militant struggles along with armed struggles, all of which contributed to the gradual erosion of the mighty colonial regime.

ROLE OF THE COMMUNISTS

Despite ceaseless repression, communists played an immensely important role in the freedom struggle. They made tremendous sacrifices in organising the working people. The Communist Party of India was formed outside the country by the revolutionary patriots working abroad, including revolutionaries of the Khilafat movement and the Hijrat movement who went abroad during and after the First World War and the Gadar Party activists. Simultaneously various communist groups were formed in different parts of India during the early 1920s. The communist movement grew with the gradual enhancement of the political consciousness of the working masses. The October Revolution of 1917 also had its impact. It awakened the hope for a new social order and gave immense impetus to the fighting people in India. The Revolution contributed to the weakening of the very foundation of the imperialist-colonial system after the end of the First World War.

The Third Communist International (Comintern) founded in March 1919 stood firmly in support of the struggling Indian masses. The spirit of proletarian internationalism also guided the Communist Party of Great Britain to denounce the British colonial rule in India and come forward to share our sacrifices. We should remember the contribution of communists Rajani Palme Dutt (RPD), Clemens Dutt, Philip Spratt and Ben Bradley. Spratt and Bradley were even imprisoned and convicted in Meerut ‘Conspiracy’ case.

Here, I should also remember the dedication and unflinching solidarity of the British communists in extending every possible support to organise the Indians, including students like us while studying in Britain. It was during my student days in London in the latter half of 1930s that I got involved with communist activities there and came in touch with CPGB leaders like Harry Pollitt, Bradley and Clemens Dutt. The memory of my visit to the residence of RPD to see the ailing leader has not yet faded in my mind. I was elected secretary of ‘London Majlis’, a student body to campaign for our independence and against fascism. One of our tasks was to hold a reception for visiting Indian leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, Bhulabhai Desai and Subhas Chandra Bose.

The communists while participating in the freedom struggle devoted their strength to the task of organising workers in trade unions, peasants in the Kisan Sabha, students, youth and women in their unions. It was due to these efforts that mass organisations like the AIKS and the AISF were founded and the AITUC strengthened. The communists took the initiative in founding organisations like the All India Progressive Writers' Association (AIPWA) and the Indian People's Theatre Association (IPTA).

The Indian communists have a proud record of dedication and sacrifices in the cause of national liberation, in defence of the interests of the working class, peasantry and other toiling millions. They were able to draw into their fold the overwhelming majority of revolutionaries and represented the best traditions of revolutionary movement in India.

The communists in India were the first to raise the demand for complete independence (Poorna Swaraj) and put forward a resolution to this effect in the Ahmedabad session of the Indian National Congress in 1921. While demanding complete independence, the communists stressed the need for providing radical content to the slogan of swaraj through a definite programme for social and economic change by including such vital questions as abolition of landlordism, combating communalism, ending the feudal domination and elimination of caste oppression.

The British rulers unleashed brutal repression on the fledgling communist groups and banned communist literature to prevent the spread of socialist ideas. They slapped a series of conspiracy cases to crush the young communist movement –– Peshawar (1922); Kanpur (1924) and Meerut (1929). The Party was declared illegal soon after its formation in the 1920s and had to work underground for over two decades. The Meerut prisoners themselves tried to utilise whatever limited opportunity they had to intervene in the national politics. From the dock they challenged the colonial imperialism and tried their best to reset the agenda for national liberation struggle. The trial also, for the first time since the inception of the communist groups in various parts of India, gave them an opportunity to interact with each other on political issues and to come to a common political understanding. However, it was not till middle of August 1933 when the first of the Meerut prisoners were released, that anything in nature of a serious attempt of reorganisation was made. By the end of 1933, an all India centre of the Party was formed.

The communist movement in India thus took a new course, despite the fact that the British colonialists imposed a stringent ban on CPI and its affiliated organisations in July 1934. The Party made sincere attempts to implement the United Front policy. In line with this policy, the reorganised CPI decided to join the Congress Party and later the Congress Socialist Party. It was during this period that Jawaharlal Nehru had assumed the Congress presidentship. The communists and socialists were inducted into the AICC in Lucknow Congress session (April 1936). Two important all India organisations were also founded in Lucknow at the same time –– AIKS and AIPWA. The communists were the leading force in both the organisations. The All India Students Federation (AISF) was also formed during this period. The Indian People's Theatre Association (IPTA) was formed in 1943. The United Front policy helped the CPI spread its influence over national politics and to increase its organisational strength. The Rightists in the Congress started getting afraid of the increasing influence of the Leftists within the Congress. In 1939 Tripuri Congress, the Right wingers were determined to oust Subhas Chandra Bose from the post of Congress presidentship. Bose was elected president with the support of the communists. Ultimately, Bose had to resign and form the Forward Bloc. Communists, however, did not agree with him and wanted the Congress to remain as a broad united platform.

THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND ITS AFTERMATH

The post Second World War period saw a powerful anti-imperialist and anti-feudal upsurge of the Indian people. Though in retrospect some of our inadequacies to assess the situation correctly could be indicated during the ‘People’s War’ period, one should not underestimate the contribution of the anti-fascist movement led by the communists when the War broke out and the Axis powers led by Hitler’s Germany attacked the USSR. We had to fight out the rabid right-wing attack to malign the communist movement.

The first Congress of the CPI was held in 1943 in Bombay. The Communist Party was in the forefront leading historic struggles like Tebhaga movement, peasant movements in Punnapra-Vayalar, North Malabar, the Warli adivasis upsurge, militant movement of the tribal people in Tripura and Telangana peasants' armed struggle. The communists also played a leading role in the people's movements in many princely states and actively helped to liberate the French and Portuguese enclaves of Pondicherry and Goa.

The Party played a heroic role in mobilising mass support during the struggle demanding the release of INA prisoners and those jailed in the historic Naval Mutiny of 1946. The communist workers also played a glorious role against the communal forces and worked tirelessly to restore communal harmony and peace. When the Great Calcutta Killings occurred in August 1946, it was the communists who played a crucial role in disseminating the message of peace and harmony. After the riots spread to Noakahli, Gandhiji himself first came down to Calcutta and then went to Noakhali to restore communal amity. I also remember that day in 1947 — when Gandhiji was camping in Beliaghata and I along with Bhupesh Gupta went to meet him. He advised us to organise joint rallies of Hindus and Muslims. We acted accordingly. But the first rally in Park Circus was broken up. I also went with him to North 24 Parganas where a mass meeting was held.

The defeat of fascism in Europe and the decisive role played by the USSR in it further strengthened the decolonisation movements worldwide. The then British prime minister Clement Attlee had to concede at the time that the days were numbered for the British rule in India. However, at this juncture of the mounting tide of national liberation movements, British imperialism and the leaders of the major bourgeois parties – the Congress and the Muslim League – chose to strike a compromise. In the bargain the bourgeois leadership accepted the price of the unfortunate partition of the country and the resultant fratricidal killing of tens of thousands of Hindus and Muslims. India and Pakistan came into existence as independent States under the bourgeois-landlord leadership. Thus, the stage of a general national united front, chiefly directed against foreign imperialist rule, came to an end.

I can recollect those turbulent days even now. I came back to India in January 1940 before publication of results of my law examination. Even before leaving London, I had made up my mind that instead of becoming a practicing barrister I would join the Communist Party as a whole-timer. In Kolkata I had acted as secretary of the Friends of the Soviet Union (FSU) and took part in relief and rehabilitation work during the 1943 famine. In 1945, the Party deputed me as an organiser of the Provincial Committee (PCO).

Before that in 1944, the party assigned me the task of organising the Bengal-Assam railway workers into a trade union. We succeeded in forming the Bengal-Assam Railroad Workers Union, of which I became the secretary and Comrade Bankim Mukherjee took charge as the president. Later Md Ismail took over as president of the union.

I entered the Bengal Legislative Assembly in 1946 defeating Humayun Kabir from the railway’s constituency. Only three communist candidates won the elections –Comrade Rupnarayan Roy from Dinajpur, Comrade Ratanlal Brahman from Darjeeling and myself. The Muslim League was the ruling party. Numerically we were small. But we tried our level best to utilise the assembly as the representatives of the toiling masses and kept raising burning issues of the day. However, the Party at the national plane was not powerful enough to influence decisively the entire course of history in the country. It was during the Muslim League rule that the massive Tebhaga Movement spread throughout Bengal. I had the occasion to be in touch with the struggle.

AFTER INDEPENDENCE

The significance of India’s independence was manifold. It was a great blow to the entire colonial system and a boost for the decolonisation movement worldwide. Within the country, it offered a qualitatively new situation for the working people to confront with. After independence when the bourgeois parliamentary democracy was adopted, our Party decided to participate in the legislatures along with carrying out extra-legislative activities. In all these years we have had varied experience, both positive and negative in regard to democracy in our country.

I should not hesitate to admit that the Left-adventurist strategical-tactical and organisational line adopted at the second congress of the CPI in 1948 was erroneous. But taking advantage of the situation, the Congress rulers unleashed fierce attacks against us. The Party continued to face repression even after the country achieved independence. The Party was banned between 1948 and 1951 in all major strongholds, including in West Bengal. Many of us, including myself – although still an MLA – were detained without trial in free India. After the adoption of the Constitution, our Party was legalised under the orders of the Calcutta High Court and many of us were released only then.

However, the Constitution we have adopted reflects some of the ambiguities of the ruling classes. The Constitution declares India as a socialist republic. In reality, the State power rests with the bourgeois-landlord class led by the big bourgeoisie. The directive principles though declared as ‘fundamental in the governance of the country’ have not been complied with by the ruling Congress party. The Constitution enables the government to enact legislation for detaining people without trial and other draconian laws. Articles like 356 have been used many a time to oust elected governments. Even emergency, which abolished all rights of the people including the right to life, was declared under the provisions of the Constitution. On the other hand the rich-poor gap is increasing day by day and the concentration of wealth has taken an alarming shape. Consequently, class polarisation became accentuated in both urban and rural sectors.

Despite the negative features of the Constitution and a capitalist landlord dominated bourgeois parliamentary system, we have to utilise whatever opportunities are available to further the interests of the people. We in West Bengal never enacted draconian laws which are undemocratic and anti-people and used those undemocratic provisions against the common people. We have always expressed our opposition to black laws like MISA or TADA.

ALTERNATIVE POLICIES

The communists have been playing a progressive role in Indian politics since the inception of the Communist Party. With clear-cut alternative policies to the bourgeois-landlord government policies, the Left movement is a significant force in the country's political and social domains. The first communist ministry in Kerala formed in 1957 and later the CPI(M) and Left-led governments in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura even with limited powers showed the way by striving to implement pro-people alternate policies. These governments implemented land reforms within the existing framework, decentralised powers and revitalised the panchayat system, ensured democratic rights for the working people and strengthened the democratic forces in the country. The Left-led governments today constitute a vital element of the Left and democratic movement in the country.

The CPI(M) was formed in 1964 after a prolonged struggle against revisionism. It adopted a programme and subsequently defended the strategy and tactics based on this understanding from both revisionism and dogmatism.

Since its formation, the CPI(M) has striven to mobilise the people against the ills of bourgeois-landlord rule. The CPI(M)-led Left forces in Bengal organised a series of democratic movements against price rise, industrial recession, shrinking job opportunities and continuing food crisis. In 1966, the outburst of popular anger assumed unprecedented proportion.

At this critical juncture the fourth general elections of 1967 saw Congress face dismal defeats in nine states. In West Bengal, the first non-congress government was formed in 1967 by a combination of the Left and democratic parties –– the United Front government. But the United Front government was not allowed to last beyond nine months.

Nevertheless, thwarting every conspiracy and the brute counter-democratic approach of the then Congress-run union government, the United Front came back to office in February 1969 with a massive mandate in the mid-term polls. The democratic and trade union rights that were done away with during successive Congress regimes were restored by the UF government. Important efforts were made to implement land reforms in the interest of the landless peasants, poor and marginal farmers, share-croppers and other sections of the rural poor. One of the historic decisions was to takeover the management of Calcutta Tram Ways. Concrete measures were taken to safeguard the interests of the refugees, 60 lakh of whom migrated into West Bengal. Municipal rules were revised. All these unnerved the forces of reaction.

And once again – thanks to the conspiracy hatched by the Congress party and a section in the Front – the second United Front government was thrown out of power in March 1970. West Bengal was put under President’s Rule. They singled out the CPI(M) for all-out attack, even physically. The notorious semi-fascist terror was let loose in the state. The people of the state had a bitter experience but never held us responsible for the demise of the two UF governments. They have not forgotten the way the CPI(M) was denied the Constitutional right to form the state government after 1971 assembly elections when it alone won 111 seats and emerged as the single largest party in the assembly. It may be recalled that the leader of a party which had a strength of only five seats in the 277-member house was made the chief minister. The unholy alliance was bound to be unstable. It could not even survive the budget session.

A serious blow to parliamentary democracy was dealt in the 1972 general election when large scale rigging and terror were resorted to in connivance with the central government. The election was turned into a farce. The army was also called out, like in 1971, to patrol the streets. The Election Commissioner expressed his inability to help us. Indira Gandhi earlier dismissed our apprehensions when we met her on a deputation before the election.

(To be continued)

People's War in Bhutan

Latest yet unconfirmed reports have it that the Communist Party of Bhutan (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) has decided to wage an armed struggle ''People's War'' in the Kingdom of Bhutan.

Report citing a high ranking Bhutanese Maoist Leader (name withheld) was quoted as saying that the CPB-MLM was preparing for a "people's War" in Bhutan.

The CPB-MLM was formed in the year 2001 right inside the Bhutanese refugee camps in the Districts of Jhapa and Morang in Nepal.

"In the midst of growing unhappiness among the refugees over the issue of relocating the refugees to the US, the CPB was preparing to stage a peoples' revolt in Bhutan", he added.

"The revolt will be commenced prior to the general elections in Bhutan": and added further that "the CPB (MLM) garners comfortable support for the revolution in 16 districts of total 21 districts in Bhutan".

2007-08-19

Another side of the Story -- Attack on Free Press

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5_ sf7df08f}+, nlntk'/ / eQmk'/ lhNnfx?nfO{ ;dfj]zul/ g]jf /fHo;ldlt agfOPsf] 5 / o;sf] OGrfh{ lxtdfg zfSo -s=;'dg_, ;xOGrfh{ lxlznf old -s=/fx'n_ tyf ;]qm]6/L emSs' k|;fb ;'j]bL -s=clwsf/_ /xg' ePsf] 5 .

h_ ldlynf, ef]hk'/f / cjw If]qsf lhNnfx?nfO{ ;d]6L dw]z /fHo;ldltsf] lgdf{0f ul/Psf] 5 / of] ;ldltsf] OGrfh{df kf]i6 axfb'/ af]u6L -s=lbjfs/_ /xg' ePsf] 5 .

;fy} of] /fHo ;ldltnfO{ lgDd pk;ldltx?df ljeflht ul/Psf] 5 M

• ;Kt/L, l;/fxf, wg'iff, dxf]Q/L / ;nf{lx lhNnfnfO{ ;dfj]z ul/ ldlynf pk;ldlt agfOPsf] 5 . of] ;ldltsf] OGrfh{ =dft[sf k|;fb ofbj / ;]qm]6/L s=dx]Gb| kf;jfg /xg' ePsf] 5 .
• /f}tx6, af/f / k;f{ lhNnfx?nfO{ ;dfj]z ul/ ef]hk'/f pk;ldlt agfOPsf] 5 / of] pk;ldltsf] OGrfh{ xl/ eQm s+8]n -s=k|tLs_ tyf ;]qm]6/L k|e' ;fx -s=d'lQm_ /xg' ePsf] 5 .
• gjnk/f;L, ?kGb]xL / slknj:t' lhNnfx?nfO{ ;d]t cjw pk–;ldlt agfO{Psf] 5 / of] pk–;ldltdf OGrfh{ b]j]Gb| kf}8]n -s=;'lgn_ tyf ;]qm]6/L s=lgd{n /xg' ePsf] 5 .

em_ ;f]n', cf]vn9'+uf, pbok'/, vf]6fË, ef]hk'/ / ;+v'jf;ef lhNnfx?nfO{ ;dfj]z u/L ls/f“t /fHo ;ldltsf] lgdf{0f ul/Psf] 5 / of] ;ldltsf] OGrfh{df s=uf]kfn ls/f“tL / ;]qm]6/Ldf lbg]z zdf{ -s=;fu/_ /xg' ePsf] 5 .

`_ tfKn]h'Ë, kfry/, Onfd, t]x|y'd / wgs'6f lhNnfx?nfO{ ;dfj]z u/L lnDa'jfg /fHo ;ldlt lgdf{0f ul/Psf] 5 . ;f] ;ldltdf OGrfh{ /fd sfsL{ -s=kfy{_ / ;]qm]6/L cf¨a'xf¨ lnDa' -s=k|eft_ /xg' ePsf] 5 .

6_ ;'g;/L, df]/+u / emfkf lhNnfx?nfO{ ;dfj]z u/L sf]lrnf /fHo ;ldlt agfOPsf] 5 / of] ;ldltdf OGrfh{ xl/af]n uh'/]n -s=lztn s'df/_ tyf ;]qm]6/L s=ckf/ /xg' ePsf] 5 .

%=pk/f]Qm /fHox?sf] Jojl:yt / j}1flgs ef}uf]lns l;dfÍgsf nflu s=b]j k|;fb u'?Ësf] OGrfh{lzkdf s=dft[sf k|;fb ofbj, lxtdfg zfSo -s=;'dg_, n]v /fh e§ -s=/fs]z_ / s=uf]kfn ls/f“tL /xg' ePsf] kf“r ;b:oLo /fHo k'gM;+/rgf ;'emfj cfo]u u7g ul/Psf] 5 . of] cfof]un] cfkm\gf] k|ltj]bg tLg dlxgf leq s]Gb|Lo sfof{nodf a'empg' kg]{5 .

^=;xdlt sfof{Gjog / ;+ljwfg;efsf] lgjf{rg ;'lglZrt ug{sf nflu u0ftGq 3f]if0ff, ;dfg'kflts lgjf{rg nufotsf ljifox?nfO{ lnP/ of]hgfj4 ?kdf cfGbf]ng p7fpg] lg0f{o ul/Psf] 5 .

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Report on developments in Nepal

13 August 2007.
A World to Win News Service.
Events in Nepal have sparked a great deal of
interest among our readers. Following is a
slightly abridged and edited report on the
situation in Nepal given in June to the
Coordinating Committee of Maoist Parties of South
Asia (CCOMPOSA) by the Communist Party of Nepal
(Maoist). It appeared in issue no. 17 (July 2007)
of the Maoist Information Bulletin published by
the CPN(M) Central Committee International
Department. Go to: krishnasenonline. org/Bulletin

“To deal with the question of the ‘completion’ of
the bourgeois revolution in the old way is to
sacrifice living Marxism to the dead letter”
- Lenin (Collected Works, vol. 24)

The real importance of this precious teaching of
the great Lenin was seriously felt in the
practical sense in the communist movement in
Nepal as the People’s War led by the Communist
Party of Nepal (Maoist) CPN(M) entered into the
stage of strategic equilibrium from the stage of
strategic defence. Though there are plenty of
instances of changes of tacks in the history of
our party, nevertheless, it had not become
imperative for the major tactical shift until the
people’s war reached the stage of strategic
offensive. By then we had chalked out a new way
and had been trying to advance revolutionary
practice through this labyrinth. Still the
concrete features peculiar to this historical
situation in Nepal are what led to this tactical
shift. It is doubtless that this situation was
borne as the natural consequence of these ten
years of heroic armed struggle led by our party.

On several occasions we have brought out our
assessment that the domestic situation in Nepal
is favourable and ripe to capture central state
power in the near future, but as all the genuine
communist parties engaged in revolutionary
practice know, the international situation is
quite unfavourable to accomplish new democratic
revolution and sustain it. It is obvious that we
should try to mobilize justice-loving people all
over the world in general and the peoples of
south Asia in particular to garner support in
favour of revolution, improving on the domestic
situation in the same spirit. For this we should
dare to abandon the course once selected and have
the courage to climb the unexplored mountain.

Lenin often quoted a letter written by Engels to
F.A. Sorge where the founder of scientific
socialism says, “Our theory is not a dogma but a
guide to action”. This we believe is valid for
any situation and any individual communist party.
It is easy to cling to dogmas and memorize some
revolutionary phrases without being engaged in
the revolutionary practice. But a genuine
communist party should never forget that Marxism
teaches us to become critical towards Marxism
itself, and that only revolutionary practice is a
laboratory to know whether one is upholding
Marxism or something else. In the dazzling light
of this Marxist principle, the C.P.N (Maoist) has
been applying Marxism to the concrete situation
of Nepal, which, we believe, will further develop
this science.

The historic Chunbang meeting of the CPN (Maoist)
Central Committee held in September-October 2005
has put an indelible mark in the history of the
party itself. Before this meeting, internecine
strife representing two lines was at its peak and
it was made public too. The revolutionary masses
were quite depressed, fearing that it might
threaten the very existence of the party, and the
reactionary forces were thrilled with ecstasy.
But the Central Committee under the leadership of
Comrade Prachanda devised the ways and means of
turning intra-party struggle into a motive force
that propelled the party forward. The meeting
resolved the intra-party struggle and achieved a
new unity applying the method of unity, struggle
and transformation and maintaining the
dialectical debate. One of the most important
decisions taken in this meeting was that the
party should forge an alliance with the agitating
parliamentary parties despite their unstable and
vacillating character in order to isolate and
abolish the monarchy.

The question of the abolition of the monarchy
comprises a different meaning in the context of
Nepal. It is the only reactionary institution
which is deep-rooted and well-organized, with a
more than one hundred thousand-strong army.
Because of this reality, external and internal
forces of reaction have joined hands to prop up
the crumbling monarchy and have been trying to
convince the vacillating parliamentary forces
that once the monarchy is gone there will be no
able force remaining to halt the ever-growing
march of the Maoist force. So the parliamentary
forces should break their ties with the Maoists
and try to save the monarchy with some change in
its form. It is because of the awareness of the
Nepalese people and the tactical movement of our
party against the monarchy that parties like the
Nepali Congress and United Marxist-Leninist were
forced to maintain conditional ties (even if
temporary) with the CPN(M).

The CPN(M), for one and a half years, has taken
this compromise. If we seriously study and
analyse the concrete conditions and the character
of this compromise, it becomes self-evident that
our policy is neither all alliance and no
struggle nor all struggle and no alliance, but
combines both. Grasping the teaching of Lenin, we
have avoided “give money and firearms to share
the loot”; instead we have given the bandits
money and firearms in order to lessen the damage
they can do and facilitate their capture and
execution. With this sole intention we had a
twelve-point understanding against the autocratic
monarchy on 22 November 2005. As expected, this
understanding proved to be a catalyst to boost
the morale of the struggling people all over the
country. The big uprising, unique in the
contemporary world, forced the otherwise
reluctant king to invite the seven party
alliances to choose a prime minister and form a
government. The governments of India, the US and
the UK lost no time in letting it be known that
they did not welcome this move. This bid to douse
the fire failed as the agitation uninterruptedly
moved forward with the clear goal of abolishing
the monarchy. Our strong presence and
participation was a matter of anxiety for the
self-proclaimed messiahs of democracy.

Finally, the governments of India, the US and
their lackeys in Nepal hatched a conspiracy and
had the king make another proclamation where for
the first time he accepted that the sovereignty
of Nepal lies with the Nepalese people. It became
clear that these interventionists had a tacit
understanding with the king and assured him that
they will secure his position and that the
institution of the monarchy will remain in the
future dispensation once the resentment of the
people recedes.

After the royal proclamation of 24 April 2006 we
tried to advance the movement denouncing the
proclamation and exposing the ill design behind
it. But there was already a division in the
movement since the seven-party alliances took it
as a victory and formed the government without
any delay. In its first meeting itself it passed
a resolution that there will be an election of an
assembly for a new constitution and called the
CPN(M) for parleys. That multiplied the illusion
and a large section of people expected that the
monarchy will be out in the near future.

The political scuffle with the reactionary forces
has been intensified during this period. A
political offensive has taken the place of the
military strike. The old parliament that was
re-established by royal proclamation was
dissolved and a new interim legislature is in
existence where 83 members are ours. An interim
constitution and the interim government have been
formed with our participation. If we look at
these happenings superficially it seems that the
CPN(M) has deviated from the revolutionary path.
But if we look back at the history of CPN(M) and
seriously study the undercurrent, it will lead to
another conclusion.

Before the initiation of people’s war a small
number of comrades were sent to the then
parliament and some of our revolutionary comrades
from fraternal parties vehemently criticized for
this. Subsequent developments in our party proved
that we could initiate the war by protecting
revolution from the revolutionary phrases that we
used to memorize in the early period. Now we see
every possibility to combine protracted people’s
war with insurrection. The second historic
conference of our party adopted a line that there
should be a union of protracted people’s war and
insurrection to accomplish the revolution. We see
the present development is leading the Nepalese
society to prove the correctness of our ideas
that we developed.

From the very beginning we were aware of the
roadmap charted by the domestic and external
enemies, especially the US and India. They
intended to bring fabricated changes to the
monarchy, tame the CPN(M) in parliamentary
politics, and enable a parliamentary party like
the Nepali Congress to become a dominant force in
the country. By hook or by crook they have been
trying to achieve this goal. But their every
effort has boomeranged because of the stand taken
by the CPN(M). Instead of being a parliamentary
puppet, the people’s revolutionary aspirations
are being centred in the CPN(M). Hundreds of
thousands of masses of people are being mobilized
and the party influence among the masses is
increasing everyday. The desperate activities of
slandering the Maoists in various media outlets
secretly funded by the CIA and the murder of our
cadres by their vigilante forces amply prove that
they are failing in their mission.

The enemy, who is attacking our party, especially
its youth wing, the Young Communist League, with
whatever they find in their hands, has generated
mass resentment against the enemies. And our mass
line, the discipline of our PLA and political
line have gathered momentum to prepare the ground
for the final insurrection. We are utilizing this
transitional phase to spread our mass base and
consolidate it, to get rid of our own
shortcomings and disintegrate the enemy camp so
that we can give a final blow and usher into the
country a new democracy.